Determined to dedicate myself to writing after I retired from teaching in 2000, my first thought was to capture the history of Marabastad (The Asiatic Bazaar), the location in which I had lived as a child.  I immediately set about interviewing people who had lived in the location.  During my interviews with Sinthumbi Naidoo, he made me aware of his concern that Tamil religious practices were losing their meaning for Tamil South Africans and suggested that I work with his son, Ronnie, a poosari, to put together a manual that explained the meaning of the rites. That is what we did and A Little Book of Tamil Religious Rituals was published in October 2004.  In between interviews for my book on Marabastad, I began recording my experiences as a teacher in Limpopo Province and day-to-day happenings, my friendships, my hijacking, a wedding in the family, among other things and compiled a book of short stories, Jail Birds and Others , which was published in December 2004.  Soon afterwards, I completed Stories from the Asiatic Bazaar and it was published in 2007.

 In 1994, South Africa became a democratic country but the racism into which we had been socialised did not disappear at the stroke of a pen and writers continue to reflect experiences gained through racial and cultural balkanisation. Consequently, varying racial, ethnic and cultural experiences, do not find affinity across the board.  And publishers, concerned only with markets, are unwilling to takes risks with unknown writers. They told me time and again that there was no market for my work so I decided to go into publishing. I have published A Little Book of Tamil Religious Rituals, Stories from the Asiatic Bazaar, Monkey Business by my sister, Seetha Ray, and am working on a book of children’s plays by my brother Seeni Naidoo, a short story that he has written, more short stories, a novel and three novellas and children’s stories that I have written.

 I spent the years 1977 to 1983, involved in Anti-SAIC and UDF campaigns, which inspired me to write a number of plays:  We 3 Kings, a farce about ‘Indian’ elections, Ikhayalethu, about dispossession, Masks, the search for African identity.  One of my revues, The Masterplan, a comic interpretation of separate development and the Tricameral Parliament, was banned in September 1983.   My last play Flight from the Mahabarath, written sometime in the 1990s, is a feminist critique of the epic.
All my plays have now been published under the title WIP Theatre Plays. (WIP = Work-in-Progress)
Going through my papers, I discovered a number of articles written over the years so I revised them and put them all together with new articles.  They include reflections on drama, reactions to apartheid, reflections on writing, my joy at discovering Milan Kundera and my attempt to understand the functions of religion and democracy in a society.

Harper Lee: Go Set a Watchman

Harper Lee’s book Go Set a Watchman around which there is a furore involving: capitalist exploitation by opportunist publishers; an eighty-nine year old author who apparently does not know what she is doing; publication sixty years after the book was written; the book as the first draft of To Kill a Mockingbird; a clever editor who helped to shape it into the more conventional novel that became a hit and was made into a movie; confusion about the book as a prequel not a sequel; and most of all, Atticus Finch, the noble Hero of To Kill A Mockingbird, shown as an idol with clay feet. Readers want:


not anti-heroes


not reality


to dazzle the eyes

and consistency,


cause and effect

we need the lies

Jekylls not Hydes

the art of fiction

the fiction of art

The general consensus is that Go Set a Watchman is inferior to To Kill a Mockingbird. It does not follow conventional expectations; it does not have the logic of cause and effect that turns a story into a work of art, unlike To Kill a Mockingbird with its wonderful hero who in the Deep South stands up against racism and espouses the cause of a black man’s human rights.

Some reviewers criticise Go Set a Watchman on the grounds that it does not conform to the standardised formula for a novel. For me, the novel is like the character in it of Dr Jack Finch, Atticus’s brother, who does not present his arguments in terms of abstract principles of logic. He creates his own logic which is made up of personal references -- to which we may or may not have access -- that are strung together requiring us to make connections and find personal meanings. Unlike To Kill a Mockingbird, which fulfills standard expectations of good versus evil, Go Set a Watchmant presents good and evil in a human mixture that applies to us all.

It plainly requires us to work out for ourselves where we stand. We are not, like Scout, to follow blindly where Atticus leads. Atticus, himself, has worked through what he believes and his understanding of the situation is not idealistic; it is based on what he has observed. We may or may not agree with his estimation of the situation and that is what makes him human. His daughter in seeing him as a model of integrity reduced him to something unreal, a Platonic ideal. When she becomes aware that she can no longer agree with him, it is the moment of her liberation, a liberation that encompasses both her father and herself. She need no longer be dependent on him for what she believes and does and he can be a human being who makes mistakes.

There is no such thing as perfection in the human condition; human beings are limited by their perspectives. When we become aware of our limitations, we become capable of change. Atticus’s understanding that people without experience of governing, cannot make good governers, is logical. When such a perception becomes conflated with race and leads to continued exclusion on the grounds of race, it requires more consideration than Jean Louise’s condemnation of it as racist. It requires a whole new perspective. It is true that black people have been discriminated against and cruelly treated but their suffering does not automatically endow them with the ability to govern; suffering is not the basis for such a responsibility. Jean Louise’s arguments are based on emotion not on reason; not on what is practicable.

And so are Atticus’s arguments; he has always responded to unfair treatment of black people and has been compassionate at a basic level of interaction. But when blacks want to be in government, he finds them not ready. Instead of devoting his efforts to making them ready, he becomes involved in keeping them subservient. Deep down he is responding to his conditioning in a racist society. He is what we, in South Africa during apartheid, referred to as a white liberal.

What is needed is a situation which changes the kind of governance that has been in effect. The new insights that black people bring to governance requires such change. Government, however, being such a complex form of administration cannot easily be changed and ways have to be found to incorporate the new with the old. That is very difficult as we in South Africa have been learning for the past twenty-one years. Affirmative action which simply means being inducted into existing forms is not the answer. Both Atticus and Jean Louise are thinking in terms of affirmative action – one for, the other against.

For me, Go Set a Watchman is a modern novel, deep, intriguing, challenging and satisfying. It is different in style from To Kill A Mocking Bird, which is romantic. Go set a Watchman is realistic.

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  • Dear Mr Naidoo
  • It is with utmost urgency that I draw to your attention the proposed development of Rietfontein Farm 61IR, situated bordering Linksfield Rd, Club Str, N3 highway and Modderfontein Rd.  This area contains the Site of the Historic Rietfontein Isolation Hospital.
  • There is intent to develop this land into an inclusionary development.  Unhappily it contains the graves of some 7000 people who have perished from some of the worst plagues known to mankind.  Only a very small portion of  these graves can actually be located.  There are two missing cemeteries, the Plague Cemetery and the Jewish Cemetery.  We have just managed to find burial record for some of the graves in the Jewish cemetery but not the location there of. Most of the other records have all been destroyed and the grave stones and markers have been stolen or smashed.  Many of the graves had wooden crosses that have been burned in the veld fires.  In addition there has been extensive illegal dumping on the site.
  • In addition to the risks associated with opening up the graves of people who perished from Smallpox, we have the historical background that is also of utmost importance and needs to be protected.  This is where I am appealing to the a Indian Community to come forward to represent Ghandi s history and preserve his contribution and memory in this area.  If it weren't for his intervention, many of the descendants of Johannesburg wouldn't be here today.
  • We are a very small action group and have the backing of the Heritage Society of South Africa.  I am sure that you are aware of Ghandi s role in the identification of the outbreak of the Plague in Johannesburg as well as the fact that had it not been for his quick intervention in isolating  the victims and bringing it to the attention of the authorities at the time, the spread would have been absolutely catastrophic.  This was as a result of the apartheid regulations in place at the time.  He was instrumental in getting many of these Indian people to be treated at Rietfontein Hospital and worked closely with the authorities.  In addition, we have the added association of Desmond TuTu who was also treated there.  The buildings are of historical value as are the lives of the Drs and nurses that worked there. There are other more appropriate initiatives that need to be explored.  History and opportunity once lost can seldom be recovered.
  • In a scramble to amass a huge heap of cash, the developer would house some 8000 people from disadvantaged backgrounds onto the land that holds the remains of many of their own ancestors.  They would have no understanding of the associated risks of the diseases or of the history and will occupy bonded properties. The developer plans to "make features" of the small number of graves that can still be identified!   This is morally disturbing.  We cannot standby and allow this to happen. Every single South African is his brothers keeper and we need to bring a halt to this development on a number of issues.  The details of which are too many to discuss in this e mail.
  • I emplore you to bring this to the attention of all interested and influential parties in the Indian community as I am at a loss as to who to contact.  The development company is Urban Dynamics.  Be aware that we disagree with much of the information that they are giving out to the public.  It would be helpful to lodge a formal objection in writing to the scoping company Bokamasa who are busy with their feasibility study  You are more than welcome to contact me for any additional information or contacts that you may require.  This is of the utmost urgency and it would be appreciated if you would forward this to as many influential people in the Indian Community as possible.
  • Sincerely
  • Lynne van der Schyff

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The Rule of Law

The growth and development of the individual is made possible by the security of living in community – a person is a person through other persons – ubuntu. The aim of democracy is to provide the security that allows for maximum individual freedom.

Democracy from demos (people, awethu) and kratos (power, amandla) – amandla awethu – government of the people, by the people, for the people is based on the ideals of liberty, fraternity and equality. Fraternity and equality translate into responsibility and respect for others.

But human beings are self-serving creatures; we often forget fraternity and equality in pursuit of liberty. Without them, freedom remains ambiguous, both positive and negative. Positive freedom leads to beneficial creativity and development; negative freedom leads to exploitation, manipulation, fraud and destruction. In order to provide the security that leads to positive individual freedom, a democratic government, through the rule of law, enforces conformity to fraternity and equality to ensure liberty.

Freedom in democracy means responsible freedom: we cannot simply do as we please; we have to take into consideration how our actions may affect others. And respect for the rights of others translates into respect for the rule of law.

The rule of law, which a Government enforces through its police force and the justice system, is there to foster a culture of accountability. The rule of law makes a government an institution of control – even democratically elected governments, and governance is on a continuum of control. The difference between authoritarian and democratic government is simply the difference in degree of control. And the degree of control determines the degree of individual freedom.

Individual freedom is probably the most significant ingredient in the progress and development of a society. If we look at societies where there is great progress, we see high degrees of individual freedom. The progress that results from such individual creativity and innovation, reaches across borders, bestowing benefits globally.

Where the rule of law does not operate, as in situations of high crime, individual freedom is diminished. Crime is usually associated with poverty; poor people are desperate people with little individual freedom – the resort to crime is an expression of their freedom. Poverty, itself a crime, reveals a society’s repudiation of fraternity and equality. It is an indictment of a government and society that calls itself democratic. Poverty exists where those who are not poor, pursue individual freedom at the expense of those who live in dehumanising conditions. That makes us all criminals whether we are directly engaged in criminal activities or not.

Though we all recognize that poverty leads to crime, we don’t acknowledge that poverty is an indication of the failure of democracy. And the situation is exacerbated when the people, mandated to protect democracy, are also involved in crime. Crime at higher levels of society, by people in positions of power and trust – governmental as well as non-governmental -- is far more devastating than the most barbarous crimes committed by the criminals among the poor. Poor people commit crimes against individuals; powerful people commit crimes against society that lead to large scale ruin and destruction.

And when leaders violate the rule of law they give rise to a general culture of lawlessness. When we read daily of bribery and corruption committed by those in power – from the highest levels of government to the street level of the police force, we feel free to repudiate the rule of law or to take the law into our hands. So now in South Africa, we have the world’s highest incidence of rape – that includes the rape and murder of children and babies. These crimes as horrendous as they are, do not compare with the fraud committed at high levels that takes the food from the mouths of millions. With the general suspension of the rule of law in the country, we cannot trust the police; we cannot trust politicians, we cannot trust bankers; we cannot trust industrialists and businessmen. Power has replaced the rule of law.

A government that is entrenched, i.e. that knows that it can stay in power for the foreseeable future, will be a government in which the rule of law becomes a plaything to be manipulated. To keep a government somewhat honest, i.e., concerned about the welfare of citizens, is to keep it off-balance.

Once a government becomes entrenched, it has no need to be democratic; there is no challenge to its power – it has the votes of the majority; there is no need to deliver them from poverty.

The only way to keep a government off-balance is to keep it uncertain of its ability to maintain power. If it really needs our votes, it will make more of an effort to improve conditions of living, especially for poor people. But voting is a problem where race and ethnicity still rule the day.

At this moment (October 2013), there is an interesting development in the US. The Congress has shut down government on the grounds that it cannot endorse President Obama’s healthcare legislation. The Congress, presumably consisting of wealthy people, professes that government cannot afford to take care of its poor citizens. In other words, it cannot carry out its mandate of ensuring fraternity and equality – the prerequisites for individual freedom. It is a clear demonstration of democracy’s Achille’s heel – it relies on trust.

The words “liberty”, “equality”, “fraternity” roll easily off the tongue; but they are not guaranteed under “democracy”. Most societies with elected governments have to be content with liberty, equality and fraternity as regulated under the law when there is the rule of law; but when it comes to economic and social liberty-equality-fraternity -- the necessary complement to individual freedom -- the individual is on her own.

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To write what he does, in the way he does, Eusebius McKaiser has to be a man who understands exactly who he is and what he believes. So he writes with a refreshing frankness, putting his experiences under the microscope and finding meanings that have given him a greater understanding and appreciation of the circumstances under which he lives.  As he is a South African, his insights help us all to hold the spotlight up to our attitudes and beliefs.

In A Bantu in my Bathroom, McKaiser shares with us his thoughts about many issues that concern us in South Africa today. His book is divided into three sections – Race, Sexuality and Culture, and he deals with controversial issues under each heading.

Under Race, he discusses the difference between racialism and racism, our understandings and misunderstandings of affirmative action and he takes up the assertion that blacks can’t be racist.

Under Sexuality he examines the issues of homophobia, rape and problems regarding the disclosure of one’s HIV status.

Under culture he illustrates the myth of the Rainbow Nation, examines people’s reaction to Brett Murray’s portrait, “The Spear”, and discusses what it means to be a “coconut.”

He presents all issues in terms of his personal experiences and that makes his book delightfully easy to read – despite the fact that it deals with deep philosophical issues.  It is such a pleasure to find an academic who is willing to step outside of his exclusive domain to converse with us ordinary mortals in a language we can understand.

In the last chapter “The funny revolution” he presents stand-up comedians as the real revolutionaries who, in disabusing us of our illusions and delusions, will carry us forward. If we don’t take ourselves so seriously, we have a better chance of making it into the future together.

And I agree with him.  A sense of humour is a sign of sharp, flexible intelligence and creativity. And why not have leaders who make us laugh and enjoy life?

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History is a vital form of empowerment. Studying our own history gives us a foundation for understanding who we are and where we are going.  Without knowledge of our history:

                               We are the hollow men
                               We are the stuffed men
                               Leaning together
                               Headpiece filled with straw. Alas!
                                                        (from The Hollow Men by T. S. Eliot)

I quote from T.S Eliot’s poem because I am a product of colonialism.   My “headpiece” being “filled with straw” i.e., a foreign culture, makes me a hollow person. That is why I quote from an English poet, not from a poet who is part of my people’s history. I am stuffed with European culture. And not being connected to my roots, I am a hollow person. I am a disempowered person and I belong to a disempowered people. 

Our dried voices, when
We whisper together
Are quiet and meaningless
                 (from The Hollow Men by T. S. Eliot)

Without an understanding of my history, I will always be a disempowered person. I will always act without the backing of community, never fully understanding who I am.

Colonialists (Apartheid was a form of colonialism) understood very well the value of history.  They stuffed our heads with their histories and we came to depend on their cultures for the bases on which we stand. In adopting their culture, we lost our independence and looked to the dominant cultures to give meaning to our lives. We revered their culture, hankered after it, yet at the same time, we despised it for disempowering us. That is why we call black people who act like whites, coconuts. The truth is we are all coconuts. Coconut, for me, is the same as Eliot’s hollow people.

Even though we are coconuts, we could not be fully integrated into the dominant culture, so we became aware of and accepted our inferiority. That is why it is so easy to reduce us to stereotypes.

The study of our history, even if it is a history of colonisation, will give us back our power. In encountering the reality of the ways in which we were dominated, we will overcome the external hold on our psyches and we will make real progress.

Unity is strength. 
But as colonised people, we are divided within ourselves and against ourselves. Within our psyches, there is the constant battle between the desire for human dignity and the sense of inferiority imposed by a dominant culture. And this sense of inferiority manifests in a desire to relegate others of our kind to a status of inferiority – a kind of neo-class struggle.

All our ethnic, racial, cultural, religious, political and social groupings are in competition to prove their superiority over the others. And the more we think we approximate to the dominant group, the greater the conviction of our own superiority.

We have to understand and abandon notions of superiority and inferiority which are manifestations of the divide and conquer strategies of colonialism.

The study of the history of human experience, not simply a political history, which is what most history tends to be, but all history –
cultural, social, economic and political, will help us to identify the spuriousness of our assumptions. The study of history, built on all aspects of human experience, both of ordinary as well as powerful people, will help us to discover truths about our situation and to build the respect for one another that is a necessary condition for unity in a community.

Embracing our history requires an honest search and a
willingness to recognise the humanity of all those who live in our community.

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